অস্থায়ী ঠিকা শ্রমিক-কর্মচারীদের আয় ও সামাজিক সুরক্ষা এবং নাগরিকত্ব, নাগরিক নিরাপত্তার দাবিতে গণকনভেনশন।

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৪ (চার) মার্চ ২০১৮, গান্ধী ভবন, শিলচর।
(ফোরাম ফর সোশ্যাল হারমনি’র উদ্যোগে এবং কোরাস ও অসম মজুরি শ্রমিক ইউনিয়নের সহযোগিতায়)

বন্ধুগণ,
     
   বিগত বহু দশক থেকে আসামের সামাজিক ও রাজনৈতিক পরিমণ্ডলে নাগরিকত্ব ও বিদেশি বিতর্ক একটা জ্বলন্ত ও নির্ধারক বিষয় হয়ে থেকেছে। সত্তরের দশকের শেষে আসামের ঐক্যবদ্ধ শ্রমিক কৃষক আন্দোলনকে বিভাজিত করতে শুরু হয় আসুর উগ্রজাতীয়তাবাদী আন্দোলন৷ আসামের জনগণ বার বার সাক্ষী হয়েছেন নানা প্রতিক্রিয়াশীল আন্দোলন ও রক্তক্ষয়ী গোষ্ঠী সংঘর্ষের। আজ, ২০১৮ সালে NRC নবায়নকে সামনে রেখে, উগ্রজাতীয়তাবাদ তাদের অস্তিত্ব টিকিয়ে রাখতে আবারও ময়দানে নেমেছে৷ মুমূর্ষু আর্থিক অবস্থায় পুঁজিপতি ও বৃহৎ বাজারের খিদে মেটাতে গিয়ে রাষ্ট্রের জন-কল্যাণকামী চরিত্রও লোপ পাচ্ছে। এতে গিয়ে বেকারি, উচ্ছেদ, করের বোঝা,মজুরি ইত্যাদি সমস্যায় জর্জরিত আপামর অসমবয়সীর কাছে উগ্র জাতীয়তাবাদ জনসমর্থন হারানোর পথে। ছয় জনগোষ্ঠীর সংরক্ষণের আন্দোলন, সমস্যা জর্জরিত বোড়ো, কার্বি, ডিমাসা সহ অন্যান্য জনজাতীয় গোষ্ঠীর ক্ষোভ, বঞ্চনা নিপীড়নের বিরুদ্ধে ঝাড়খণ্ডী-আদিবাসী চা-শ্রমিকদের সংগ্রাম, ভাটি অসমের দিকে দিকে নিপীড়নের বিরুদ্ধে ভাষিক সংখ্যালঘু জনতার প্রতিরোধের বহিঃপ্রকাশ, আসামের প্রাকৃতিক সম্পদ লুটের জন্য বেসরকারিকরণ আজ অসমিয়া উগ্র জাতীয়তাবাদকে এক পতনোন্মুখ শক্তিতে পরিণত করেছে। এই পতনোন্মুখ শক্তিকে আবার মাথা তোলার আগেই শেষ ধাক্কা দিয়ে পরাস্ত করে উগ্র জাতীয়তাবাদ ও সাম্প্রদায়িকতাবাদ মুক্ত আসাম গড়ার লক্ষ্যে সমগ্র আসামবাসীর গণতান্ত্রিক ঐক্য সুদৃঢ় করে গণ আন্দোলনের দিকে এগিয়ে যেতে হবে।
          (১) আমরা দাবি করছি 
        (ক) সুষ্ঠু এনআরসি রূপায়ণ (খ) কোনো ভেদাভেদ না করে সরল নাগরিকত্ব প্রমাণ ও ভেরিফিকেশন প্রক্রিয়া (গ) সমগ্র আসামবাসীকে একই মানবিক মানদণ্ডে বিচার করা (ঘ) প্রতিটি জনগোষ্ঠীর সম-অধিকার ও সম-মর্যাদা৷
      ভারতবর্ষের বিভিন্ন রাজ্যের মতো আসামেও বেকারত্বের সাথে পাল্লা দিয়ে ঠিকা শ্রমিক-কর্মচারীর সংখ্যা দিন দিন বেড়েই চলেছে। সরকারি ও বেসরকারি ক্ষেত্রে স্থায়ী শ্রমিক নিয়োগের বদলে ঠিকাদারের মাধ্যমে সস্তায় অস্থায়ী শ্রমিক নিয়োগ হচ্ছে। এই শ্রমিক-কর্মচারীরা নিয়োজিত রয়েছেন ছোটো বড়ো সরকারি বেসরকারি উদ্যোগ ও বিভাগে, শিক্ষা-স্বাস্থ্য-পরিবহণের মতো পরিসেবামূলক ক্ষেত্রে, নির্মাণ শ্রমিক হিসেবে বিভিন্ন পরিকাঠামোগত ক্ষেত্রে। পরিকাঠামো নির্মাণে নিয়োজিত এই ঠিকা শ্রমিকদের অধিকাংশই আসামের এক অঞ্চল থেকে অন্য অঞ্চলে, গ্রাম থেকে শহরে বা এক জেলা থেকে অন্য জেলায় গিয়ে কাজ করেন। এই শ্রমিক-কর্মচারীদের আয় ও সামাজিক সুরক্ষা নেই, ন্যূনতম আইনি গ্যারান্টিও রূপায়ণ হয় না। নাগরিক হিসেবে তাদের সামাজিক নিরাপত্তাও বিঘ্নিত। ২০১৬-এর অক্টোবরে ধেমাজি জেলার গোগামুখে ভাটি অসমের ১১ জন শ্রমিককে বাংলাদেশী অভিযোগে পাকড়াও করে জেলে পুরে দেওয়া হয় ও এই কিছুদিন আগে দরং জেলার ধোলায় হাসান আলি নামে এক বাঙালি শ্রমিকের হাজত-মৃত্যুর অভিযোগের বিরুদ্ধে বিক্ষোভকারীদের উপর পুলিশের গুলিতে মহিদূল হক নামে আরেকজনের মৃত্যু হয়। বাংলাদেশী অভিযোগে শ্রমিকদের উপর নির্যাতন ইদানীংকালে বেড়ে চলেছে।
        (২) আমরা এই শ্রমিক-কর্মচারীদের আয় ও সামাজিক নিরাপত্তা ও নাগরিক অধিকার দাবি করছি।
       ঠিকা শ্রমিক (কন্ট্রাক্ট লেবার) আইনের আসাম রুল, ১৯৭১ অনুযায়ী এই আইন রূপায়ণের জন্য রাজ্যে উপদেষ্টা বোর্ড গঠন করতে হয়। ঠিকাদার বা নিয়োগকারীর পক্ষে ৪ জন ও শ্রমিকদের পক্ষে বিভিন্ন ইউনিয়নের ৪ জন প্রতিনিধি ৩ বছরের মেয়াদে এই বোর্ডে সামিল হয়। কিন্তু দীর্ঘ সময়ের মধ্যে আসামে এই বোর্ড গঠন করা হয়নি। ফলে মালিকপক্ষ ঠিকা শ্রমিকদের প্রতি মর্জি মাফিক ব্যবহার করে এবং শ্রমিকদের মজুরি ও সামাজিক সুরক্ষাজনিত সব ধরনের সুযোগ সুবিধা থেকে বঞ্চিত করে। এই আইন অনুযায়ী ঠিকাদারের নিয়োগকারী সরকারি ও বেসরকারি বিভাগ/প্রতিষ্ঠান/কোম্পানি এই আইনের রূপায়ণের ব্যাপারে ঠিকা-শ্রমিকদের মুখ্য নিয়োগদাতা হিসেবে দায়বদ্ধ থাকে। কিন্তু বর্তমান সরকার আইনের এই বিধান উঠিয়ে দিয়ে ঠিকাদারদের যথেচ্ছাচারের উপর শ্রমিকদের ভাগ্য তুলে দিতে চাইছে।
         এই আইন অনুযায়ী শ্রমিকদের জন্য
       (ক) পর্যাপ্ত বিশ্রামের স্থান (খ) ক্যান্টিন (গ)আপতকালীন চিকিৎসার ব্যবস্থা (ঘ) মুখ্য নিয়োগকর্তার উপস্থিতিতে ৭-১০ দিনের মধ্যে সাপ্তাহিক মজুরি প্রদান (ঙ) মজুরি রেজিস্টার, ওভারটাইম রেজিস্টার (চ) ১৯ নং ফর্ম (রুল ৭৮-২-ব) অনুযায়ী শ্রমিকদের মজুরি স্লিপ প্রদান ইত্যাদির গ্যারান্টি প্রদান করেছে। উপরন্তু, ঠিকাদার যাতে ন্যূনতম মজুরি আইন লঙ্ঘন করতে না পারে তারজন্য মুখ্য নিয়োগকর্তা দায়বদ্ধ থাকবে।
      (৩) আমরা উপরোক্ত আইনের সঠিক রূপায়ণ ও আইন অনুযায়ী পরামর্শদাতা বোর্ড গঠনের দাবি জানাচ্ছি এবং মুখ্য নিয়োগকারীর দায়বদ্ধতা উঠিয়ে দেওয়ার কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের প্রস্তাবের বিরোধিতা করছি।
       এই তিন দফা দাবির ভিত্তিতে আমরা আগামী ৪ মার্চ, বেলা ১১টায় শিলচর গান্ধী ভবনে এক গণ-কনভেনশনে মিলিত হওয়ার আহ্বান জানাচ্ছি। 
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ফোরাম ফোর সোশ্যাল হারমনির পক্ষে- অরিন্দম দেব, ফারুক লস্কর।
কোরাস-এর পক্ষে - নীলকান্ত দাস, স্নিগ্ধা নাথ, আজিম বড়ভূঁইয়া।
অসম মজুরি শ্রমিক ইউনিয়নের পক্ষে - ধরিত্রী শর্মা, নোমান আহমেদ, পারভেজ লস্কর।

⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭⧭



অস্থায়ী ঠিকা শ্রমিক-কর্মচাৰীসকলৰ আয় আৰু সামাজিক সুৰক্ষা আৰু নাগৰিকত্ব, নাগৰিক নিৰাপত্তাৰ দাবীত গণ কনভেনশ্যন।
৪ (চাৰি) মার্চ ২০১৮, গান্ধী ভৱন, শিলচৰ।
('ফ'ৰাম ফৰ ছ'চিয়েল হাৰমনি’ৰ উদ্যোগত, কোৰাছ আৰু অসম মজুৰি শ্রমিক ইউনিয়নৰ সহযোগিতাত)



বন্ধুসকল,
   
(C)Image:ছবি
বিগত বহু দশকৰ পৰা অসমৰ সামাজিক আৰু ৰাজনৈতিক ক্ষেত্রখনত নাগৰিকত্ব আৰু বিদেশী বিতর্কটো এটা জ্বলন্ত আৰু নির্ধাৰক বিষয় হিচাপে পৰিগণিত হৈ আহিছে । সত্তৰৰ দশকৰ শেষৰ পিনে অসমৰ ঐক্যবদ্ধ শ্রমিক-খেতিয়ক আন্দোলনক বিভাজিত কৰিবৰ বাবে আছুৰ উগ্রজাতীয়তাবাদী আন্দোলন আৰম্ভ হয়৷ অসমৰ জনগণ বাৰে বাৰে নানা প্রতিক্রিয়াশীল আন্দোলন আৰু ৰক্তক্ষয়ী গোষ্ঠী সংঘর্ষৰ চিকাৰ হৈ আহিছে। আজি, ২০১৮ চনত NRC নৱীকৰণৰ গইনা লৈ, উগ্রজাতীয়তাবাদে তাৰ অস্তিত্ব টিকাই ৰাখিবলৈ আকৌ পথাৰত নামিছে ৷ মৃত্যুমুখী আর্থিক অৱস্থাত পুঁজিপতি আৰু বৃহৎ বজাৰৰ ভোক মিটাবলৈ ৰাষ্ট্রৰ জনকল্যাণকামী চৰিত্রও লোপ পাবলৈ লৈছে। ফলস্বৰূপে বেকাৰি, উচ্ছেদ, কৰৰ বোজা, মজুৰি ইত্যাদি সমস্যাত জর্জৰিত সাধাৰণ অসমবাসীৰ ওচৰত উগ্রজাতীয়তাবাদৰ জনসমর্থন হেৰাবলৈ আৰম্ভ কৰিছে। ছয় জনগোষ্ঠীৰ সংৰক্ষণৰ আন্দোলন, সমস্যা জর্জৰিত বড়ো, কার্বি, ডিমাছা সহিতে অন্যান্য জনজাতীয় গোষ্ঠীৰ ক্ষোভ, বঞ্চনা-নিপীড়নৰ বিৰূদ্ধে সংগ্রাম, ঝাড়খণ্ডী-আদিবাসী চাহ শ্রমিকসকলৰ সংগ্রাম, নামনি অসমৰ কেউদিশে নিপীড়নৰ বিৰুদ্ধে ভাষিক সংখ্যালঘু জনতাৰ প্রতিৰোধৰ বহিঃপ্রকাশ, অসমৰ প্রাকৃতিক সম্পদ লুটৰ বাবে কৰা বেচৰকাৰীকৰণে আজি অসমীয়া উগ্রজাতীয়তাবাদক এক পতনোন্মুখ শক্তিত পৰিণত কৰিছে। এই পতনোন্মুখ শক্তিয়ে আকৌ মূৰ দাঙি উঠাৰ আগতেই ইয়াক শেষ ধাক্কা দি পৰাস্ত কৰি উগ্রজাতীয়তাবাদ আৰু সাম্প্রদায়িকতাবাদ-মুক্ত অসম গঢ়াৰ লক্ষ্যৰে সমগ্র অসমবাসীৰ গণতান্ত্রিক ঐক্য সুদৃঢ় কৰি গণ আন্দোলনৰ পিনে আগ বঢ়াই লৈ যাব লাগিব।
           (১) আমি দাবী জনাওঁ -
       (ক) শুদ্ধ এনআৰচি ৰূপায়ণ (খ) কোনো প্রকাৰ ভেদাভেদ নকৰাকৈ সৰল নাগৰিকত্ব প্রমাণ আৰু ভেৰিফিকেশ্যন প্রক্রিয়া (গ) সমগ্র অসমবাসীক একেই মানৱিক মানদণ্ডত বিচাৰ কৰা (ঘ) প্রতিটো জনগোষ্ঠীৰ সমান অধিকাৰ আৰু সমান মর্যাদা৷
        ভাৰতবর্ষৰ বিভিন্ন ৰাজ্যৰ দৰে অসমতো বেকাৰত্বৰ লগত, ঠিকা শ্রমিক-কর্মচাৰীৰ সংখ্যা দিনে দিনে বাঢ়ি গৈ আছে। চৰকাৰী আৰু বেচৰকাৰী ক্ষেত্রত স্থায়ী শ্রমিক নিয়োগৰ সলনি ঠিকাদাৰৰ মাধ্যমেৰে সস্তাত অস্থায়ী শ্রমিক নিয়োগ কৰা হৈ আছে। এই শ্রমিক-কর্মচাৰীসকল নিয়োজিত হৈ আছে সৰু-ডাঙৰ চৰকাৰী-বেচৰকাৰী উদ্যোগ আৰু বিভাগত, শিক্ষা-স্বাস্থ্য-পৰিবহণৰ দৰে পৰিসেৱামূলক ক্ষেত্রত, নির্মাণ শ্রমিক হিচাপে বিভিন্ন পৰিকাঠামোগত ক্ষেত্রত। পৰিকাঠামো নির্মাণত নিযুক্ত এই ঠিকা শ্রমিকসকলৰ অধিকাংশই অসমৰ এক অঞ্চলৰ পৰা আন অঞ্চলৈ, গাঁৱৰ পৰা চহৰলৈ নাইবা এক জিলাৰ পৰা আন জিলাত গৈ কাম কৰে। এই শ্রমিক-কর্মচাৰীসকলৰ আয় আৰু সামাজিক সুৰক্ষা নাই, ন্যূনতম আইনী গেৰান্টিও ৰূপায়ণ নহয়। নাগৰিক হিচাপে তেওঁলোকৰ সামাজিক নিৰাপত্তাও বিঘ্নিত। ২০১৬ৰ অক্টোবৰ মাহত ধেমাজি জিলাৰ গোগামুখত নামনি অসমৰ ১১জন শ্রমিকক বাংলাদেশীৰ অভিযোগত ধৰি জে'লত ভৰাই দিয়া হয়। কেইদিনমানৰ আগতে দৰং জিলাৰ ধোলাত হাছান আলী নামৰ এজন বাঙালী শ্রমিকৰ হাজোতত মৃত্যু হোৱাৰ অভিযোগৰ বিৰুদ্ধে বিক্ষোভ জনোৱা ৰাইজৰ ওপৰত আৰক্ষীয়ে গুলি চলালে আৰু মহিদুল হক নামৰ এজন লোকৰ মৃত্যু হয়। সম্প্রতি বাংলাদেশীৰ অভিযোগত শ্রমিকসকলৰ ওপৰত নির্যাতন বাঢ়ি গৈ আছে।
       (২) আমি এই শ্রমিক-কর্মচাৰীসকলৰ আয় আৰু সামাজিক নিৰাপত্তাৰ লগতে নাগৰিক অধিকাৰৰ দাবী জনাওঁ।
     ঠিকা শ্রমিক (কনট্রেক্ট লেবাৰ) আইনৰ আছাম ৰুল, ১৯৭১ অনুসাৰে এই আইন ৰূপায়ণৰ বাবে ৰাজ্যত উপদেষ্টা ব'র্ড গঠন কৰিব লাগে। ঠিকাদাৰ অথবা নিয়োগকাৰীৰ পক্ষত চাৰি (৪) জন আৰু শ্রমিকসকলৰ পক্ষত বিভিন্ন ইউনিয়নৰ চাৰি (৪) জন প্রতিনিধি ৩ বছৰৰ ম্যাদত এই ব'র্ডত চামিল হয়। কিন্তু দীর্ঘ সময়জুৰি অসমত এই ব'র্ড গঠন কৰা হোৱা নাই। ফলস্বৰূপে মালিকপক্ষই ঠিকা শ্রমিকসকলক নিজৰ মর্জি অনুসৰি ব্যৱহাৰ কৰে আৰু শ্রমিকসকলক মজুৰি আৰু সামাজিক সুৰক্ষাজনিত সকলো ধৰণৰ সুযোগ সুবিধাৰ পৰা বঞ্চিত কৰি থাকে। এই আইন অনুসৰি ঠিকাদাৰৰ নিয়োগকাৰী চৰকাৰী আৰু বেচৰকাৰী বিভাগ/প্রতিষ্ঠান/কোম্পানী এই আইনৰ ৰূপায়ণৰ বিষয়ে ঠিকা-শ্রমিকসকলৰ মুখ্য নিয়োগকর্তা হিচাপে দায়বদ্ধ থাকে। কিন্তু বর্তমানৰ চৰকাৰে আইনৰ এই বিধান উঠাই দি ঠিকাদাৰসকলৰ যথেচ্ছাচাৰৰ ওপৰত শ্রমিকসকলৰ ভাগ্য গতাই দিব বিচাৰিছে।
      এই আইন অনুসৰী শ্রমিকসকলৰ বাবে
   (ক) পর্যাপ্ত বিশ্রামৰ স্থান (খ) কেন্টিন (গ) আপদকালীন চিকিৎসাৰ বাবে ব্যৱস্থা (ঘ) মুখ্য নিয়োগকর্তাৰ উপস্থিতিত ৭-১০ দিনৰ ভিতৰত সাপ্তাহিক মজুৰি প্রদান (ঙ) মজুৰি ৰেজিস্টাৰ, অভাৰটাইম ৰেজিস্টাৰ (চ) ১৯ নং ফর্ম (ৰুল ৭৮-২-ব) অনুসৰি শ্রমিকসকলক মজুৰি স্লিপ প্রদান ইত্যাদিৰ গেৰান্টি প্রদান কৰিছে। তদুপৰি, ঠিকাদাৰে যাতে ন্যূনতম মজুৰি আইন লঙ্ঘন কৰিব নোৱাৰে তাৰ বাবে মুখ্য নিয়োগকর্তা দায়বদ্ধ থাকিব।
    (৩) আমি উপৰোক্ত আইনৰ সঠিক রূপায়ণ আৰু আইন অনুযায়ী পৰামর্শদাতা ব'র্ড গঠনৰ দাবী জনাইছো আৰু মুখ্য নিয়োগকাৰীৰ দায়বদ্ধতা উঠাই দিয়াৰ কেন্দ্র চৰকাৰৰ প্রস্তাৱৰ বিৰোধিতা কৰিছো।
   এই তিনি দফা দাবীৰ ভিত্তিত আমি অহা ৪ মার্চ, দিনৰ ১১ বজাত শিলচৰ গান্ধী ভৱনত এক গণ-কনভেনশ্যনত মিলিত হোৱাৰ আহ্বান জনাইছো। 

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'ফ'ৰাম ফৰ ছ'চিয়েল হাৰমনি'ৰ হৈ - অৰিন্দম দেব, ফাৰূক লস্কৰ।
কোৰাছ-ৰ হৈ - নীলকান্ত দাস, স্নিগ্ধা নাথ, আজিম বড়ভুইয়া।
অসম মজুৰি শ্রমিক ইউনিয়নৰ হৈ - ধৰিত্রী শর্মা, নুমান আহমেদ, পাৰভেজ লস্কৰ।



Disorder and People’s Struggles

Posted by স্বাভিমান


Global Turmoil
Disorder and People’s Struggles
Arup Baisya
The world economic and political order is in great turmoil. The US economic and geo-political world hegemony is based on two pillars. The dollar, for all its faults and weaknesses, is the pivot of the entire global system of currencies, stocks, bonds, derivatives and investments of all kinds. Along with it, the military might for strategic geo-political control is another pillar.
The third currency war which has been started from 2010 post-subprime crisis is taking new dimensions. In 1997 the US trade deficit with China was less than $50 billion. Then the deficit grew steadily, and in the space of three years, from 2003 to 2006, it exploded from $124 billion to $234 billion. This period, beginning in 2003, marks the intensification of concern about the US-China bilateral trade relationship and the role of the dollar-yuan exchange rate in that relationship.
China's internal deflation is exported to the United States through the currency exchange rate and ends up threatening deflation in the United States. This begins with the Chinese policy decision to peg the exchange rate between the yuan and the dollar.
This meant that as the Fed printed dollars and those dollars ended up in China to purchase goods, the People's Bank of China (PBOC) had to print yuan to soak up the surplus. In effect, China had outsourced its monetary policy to the Fed, and as the Fed printed more, the PBOC also printed more in order to maintain the pegged exchange rate. The Chinese acquired massive quantities of US Treasury obligations as their trade surplus with the United States persisted and grew.
Chinese leaders have begun to make it easier to trade the yuan in foreign exchange markets. On March 23, 2015, China backed the Renminbi Trading Hub for the Americans. That makes it easier for North American companies to conduct yuan transactions in Canadian banks. China opened up similar trading hubs in Singapore and London. (Source: "Canada Aims to Boost Deals in China Currency", The Wall Street Journal, March 23, 2015.)
The process of absorbing all the surplus dollars entering the Chinese economy, especially after 2002, produced a number of unintended consequences. The first problem was that the PBOC did not just take the surplus dollars, but rather purchased them with newly printed yuan. By early 2011, Reuters estimated that total Chinese foreign reserves in all currencies were approximately $2.85 trillion, with about $950 billion of that invested in US government obligations of one kind or another. The United States and China were locked in a trillion-dollar financial embrace, essentially a monetary powder keg that could be detonated by either side if the currency wars spiralled out of control.
While the Russian ruble is in no position to replace the dollar in international reserves, it could become a regional reserve and trade currency for Russian and Central Asian gas suppliers and Eastern European gas customers, dislodging the dollar to that extent at least. Energy is a wedge used to forge a regional economic bloc with a regional reserve currency, the ruble. Russia successfully maintained its regional hegemony by establishing Gazprom's near monopoly on natural gas supplies to Europe through pipelines transiting Ukraine and Belarus. Europe and US backed company Nabucco 's attempt to circumvent these pipelines in a way that neither uses Russian natural gas nor passes through Russian territory has been foiled. Nabucco tried to source its gas initially in Azerbaijan and later Kazakhstan and Iraq and traversed to Turkey on its way to Europe. Russia also speaks openly of the dethroning of the dollar as the dominant reserve currency.
Russia released its official "National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation up to 2020," an overview of the global strategic opportunities and challenges confronting Russia. In addition to the usual analysis of weapons systems and alliances, the strategy draws the link between energy and national security and considers the global financial crisis, currency wars, supply chain disruptions and struggles for other natural resources, including water. The strategy does not rule out the use of military force to resolve any of these finance- or resource-related struggles.
For now, it is enough to say that Russia has warned the world of the coming blue fuel wars in both words and deeds.
While all currencies by definition represent some store of value, the dollar is different. It is a store of economic value in a nation whose moral values are historically exceptional and therefore a light to the world. The debasement of the dollar cannot proceed without the debasement of those values and that exceptionalism.
In global scenario, table has already turned, and US, it seems, is oblivious of its containment. US is desperately flexing its muscle and inciting war hysteria with pernicious show of its war machine, when both US job market and wages are plummeting. When Turkey strikes a missile deal with Russia, US war machines are displayed in Sweden under NATO umbrella fearing deep fissures within NATO camp. When US fails to compel North Korean rulers to kowtow, it brazenly applies sanction and shows South Korean missile. Israel, the pivot of US Arab domination, has been taken aback by the recent non-violent resistance by tens of thousands of Palestanians mobilised in response to Israeli closure of old city. The Palestenian youths forced open a gate in the Israeli separation wall. It's a sign of rejuvenation of Palestanian movement. New form of grassroots movement is emerging all over the world. And it's a sign of warning to the imperialists of all hues.
The US is threatening to cancel nuclear agreement with Iran, but other European signatories are averse to Trump's rhetoric. US failed to tame North Korea despite repeated threatening of attack on Korean nuclear installations. Through Russia's successful intervention, the US agenda to dislodge Assad regime has failed. US show of its military might could not dissuade China from its overwhelming claim on South China Sea. The strategic interest of US in East Asia and Afganistan is getting jeopardised by China's ever-increasing influence in East Asia through its One Belt One Road (OBOR) project. The diffusion of Doklam crisis is in conformity with the toning down of India's opposition to China's OBOR project.
One must comprehend where this disorder in world geo-politics will lead. In view of the world capitalist economic crisis which is showing no sign of overall revival post-subprime crisis, the imperialist conflict for strategic control will deepen. If it triggers into a full-fledged war, it will not last long with large-scale human and natural catastrophe due to the use of nuclear arsenals which many countries now posses.
So, while aligning with world-wide anti-war campaign and people's movement, progressives in India must build popular pressure for negotiation and dialogue with the neighbouring countries especially China and Pakistan to resolve all vexed issues.
Throwing a Russian resources assault, a Chinese currency assault and an Iranian military assault at United States interests in a near simultaneous affront would produce predictable effects in the hair-trigger world of capital markets. Markets would experience the financial equivalent of a stroke.
The global economy in double whammy: the capital surplus absorption problem due to scarcity of profitable destination for investment and investment problem due to scarcity of fund of highly indebted banks. Labour's earnings plummeted due to the widespread trend towards investment in asset values instead of production and manufacturing, the asset value also took a plunge. The gap between earnings and consumer spending is being tried to cover by the rise of credit card industry and increasing indebtedness.
The Japanese boom of the 1980s ended with a collapse of the stock market and plunging stock prices and is still ongoing. To boost investment, Japanese banks are maintaining near zero percent interest rates. Investment in India for bullet train etc is an opportunity for the Japanese. But this model of development will further screw the Indian people. Indian banks are reeling under crisis due to bad loans and NPA, and now expecting bailout package from Govt. with common Indian taxpayers' money.
Despite the appearance of economic dynamism in China today, sudden collapse is entirely possible and could be caused by things such as inflation, rising unemployment, ethnic tensions or a burst of housing bubble. Prolonged and widespread unemployment is potentially destabilising in China.
In the midst of deep global economic crisis, India cannot achieve export led growth as China achieved at the initial phase of neo-liberalism in the eighties. The SBI report said, "GDP growth during the second quarter of the current fiscal is expected to remain below 6 percent due to downward trend in export and muted growth in the agricultural sector. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth in the first quarter had fallen to 5.7 percent". Though US imports of textile and apparels have grown 30 percent between April and July, Indian export to US remained at the same level. The slowdown in demand has only aggravated the situation. The Indian economy is facing the cliff from where its downward march would continue. As the economy contracts the news came of the massive growth in net worth of the top 100 billionaires growing by 26% and who else to top the chart but Mukesh Ambani whose net worth increased by a massive 67%. What people are witnessing is a jobless economic growth with tremendous growth of capitalists.
The author of Capital in Twenty-first Century, Thomas Picketty, and his colleague Lucas Chancel at the World Inequality Lab, Paris School of Economics, have provided the numbers as far as incomes are concerned in their working paper "Indian Income Inequality, 1922-2014". (Indian income inequality, 1922-2014 : From British Raj to Billionaire Raj? : Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty : July, 2017)
This report states "our results shed light on a particularly striking characteristic of Indian growth over the past three decades: the very moderate rise of the "middle class"—at least defined as individuals above median income and below the top 10% earners. Incomes of the middle 40% grew at 102% over the 1980-2014 period. Compared to industrialized countries' growth rates for this group, the figure is impressive. In the Indian context however, the middle 40% were notably below average growth (187%). Since 1980, the middle 40% group in India captured a much smaller share of total growth (25%) than its counterparts did in China or Europe (more than 40%) or even the USA (33%). This result should help us better characterize what has been termed as the rise of India's middle class".
In this mirage of growth and despair the opportunity arises from the revolutionary proletarian to give the clarion call for redistribution of wealth through nationalisation, state intervention and workers’ participation.
The uneven development is ingrained in capitalism especially at its latest stage of imperialism. But the capitalism has the dynamic capacity to annihilate the space with time. It can dismantle all geographical barriers to bring sundry nations under its overwhelming control. Geographical diversity is not anathema to capitalism, rather it is necessary for its sustainability. Barring few African countries, every part of the world has come under its fold. Capitalist relations of production are in the driving seat when all other social relations have been remoulded and co-opted under its command. When one talks about uneven development, one must keep an eye on changing geographical landscape due to capitalist restructuring and huge investment in assets. The rising Washington DC with investment in social and physical infrastructure and contrasting sorry state of affairs of once industrialised Pennsylvania with deserted factories, dilapidated roads and bridges and unemployed workers speak volumes about the capitalist restructuring. Who could have imagined that Bengalore will develop as world's IT hub and Mumbai will take its present look with high rise buildings. The investment of capital in assets is displacing the toiling masses from its habitat and workplace. Capitalist accumulation through displacement or primitive accumulation already displaced crores of people from Indian agriculture as well as from urban and semi-urban areas. The distress situation of agriculture due to lack of Government investment and the presence of blood-sucking corporates in agri-business, a huge number of migrating contractual labourers have been created. On the one end, the organised labour has been dismantled through capitalist neo-liberal restructuring and on the other hand a large vulnerable proletariat or precariat is being created. In agricultural sector, a new class of landlord capitalist and peasant capitalist have emerged, the mid-peasant is almost extinct, and the number of agricultural wage labourers has crossed the threshold to influence the change of relation of production to capitalist one. But all the agricultural classes have a score to settle with global corporate sharks that are in control of labour process, surplus accumulation and input and output side of production.
This new proletarianisation and precatrianisation has also been changing the contours of all kinds of identity movements. The support base of the dalit movements solely driven by identity rights without focusing on the working class within the identities is dwindling, when section of upper strata being co-opted in the overall corporate interest is siding with the ruling class. When there is loss of jobs of muslims and lower castes Hindus who cart cattle, labour in tanneries and make shoes, bags and belts including for big name brands such as Zara and Clarks, the Dalit middlemen who are in supply chain are with ruling class. The timings of banning and lynching in the name of cow nationalism are in sync with claim of big exporters that that they have enough leather as they source hides widely, including from abroad. However, the emergence of new Dalit movement which is highlighting the rights of Dalit workers is noticeable.
Without organising this working class, there cannot be any effective resistance movement against corporate onslaught. There are structural barriers to achieve the unity of working class. These working classes are disorganised and compartmentalised with their diverse immediate interest. But there is also a commonality in their desire of wage-hike and social security. They are also divided on caste-identity fault lines. The agenda of identity rights and opposition of caste oppression needs to be incorporated within the working-class struggle with strenuous and continuous pedagogic efforts. The socio-economic gap between the mental working class predominantly comprising of upper-castes and the manual working class is huge in Indian reality and this needs to be addressed through a simultaneous cultural movement too.

The resistance movement against land grabbing and eviction or the movement against the capitalist accumulation by displacement as David Harvey termed it is not enough to build a revolutionary struggle against corporate onslaught. If progressives fail to build a revolutionary working-class movement, the fascist forces are bound to raise their ugly face. When capitalism is in crisis and the working class is in disarray, the fascist forces are bound to rise.
Due to jobless growth and dismantling of state-guaranteed social security, the exponentially rising parliamentary curve of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been momentarily halted. In the recent by-elections and very recently held Gujarat Assembly elections, the downward trend of the curve is also visible. But there is no scope for complacency, the revolutionary popular upsurge under the leadership of working class can only defeat fascism effectively. One must bear in mind that the fascist forces backed by RSS have taken two-pronged strategy for fascist take over. One is overt fascist mass movement on the issue of Hindutwa—illegal migrants, infiltration, refugee etc and other is more insidious nature of changing the character of democratic institutions through infiltration of fascist forces. On the second front, RSS has achieved substantial success. No doubt the Supreme Court is still giving citizens some respite by pronouncing democratic judgement on Privacy issue, Rohingiya issue etc. But this will not be sustainable, if BJP once again reign in power post 2019-election.
The revolutionary forces should rise to the occasion when Indian economy is in deep crisis, to build the working class revolutionary core with a view to develop united anti-fascist struggle of all social and political anti-BJP democratic forces.
The two things that capitalism exploits are the labour and nature for profit and accumulation. The human being has been evolved from and is organically linked with nature and thus human body is the metabolic unity of labour and nature. The separation between natural, inorganic conditions of human existence and living & active humanity is a separation which is completely posited only in the relation of wage labour and capital. In the capitalist social relations of production, the metabolic rift between labour and nature occurs and capitalists control the labour process to exploit both labour and nature and thus destroy the balance of nature. The capitalist carbon economy and unbridled exploration of natural wealth has already destroyed the nature to such an extent that it is beyond the reach under the capitalist profit-motive to repair the damage and rejuvenate nature.
The genius of capitalism's Cheap Nature strategy was to represent time as linear, space as flat, and nature as external. Recognising capital accumulation as both objective process and subjective project, Marx's value thinking offers a promising way to comprehend the inner connection between accumulation, biophysical change, and modernity as a whole. So, to save earth and the humanity from ecological disaster, people must have a project to go beyond capitalism.
The global warming, holes in Ozone layer and rise in sea water level have posed disastrous consequences to the existence of human civilisation. The first world or industrial north, with about 25 percent of the world's population and owning about 86 percent of the world's industry, consumes 80 percent of world energy. The US, with around 5 percent of world population, has been estimated to consume 20 percent of the world's non-renewal energy resources. The US gobbles up a quarter of the world's energy supplies, about as much energy as used by entire third world. Under the pressure of global opinion, global leaders reached an agreement known as Kyoto Protocol to address ecological issues. But industrial north especially the US diluted the obligatory provisions of Kyoto Protocol and designed a new agreement known as Paris Agreement with voluntary provisions. Now President Trump is threatening to withdraw from Paris agreement too. The people's struggle against capitalist development and for sustainable development model needs to be launched with a view to march ahead beyond capitalism, can only save humanity from ecological disaster.
Indian people are bearing the brunt of both global ecological degradation and the capitalist development model. Many states and cities are encountering repeated floods and draught. For example, due to the release of water from the Big Dams, the large landscape of lower Assam has been inundated with three consecutive floods in this year.
There is a sustained anti-dam movement in various parts of India including Assam. But the difficulty is that the workers engaged in the construction and running of Big Dams and ancillary industries are not averse to its construction due to their immediate livelihood issue. So, it is necessary to formulate a programme on sustainable development model along with anti-dam movement.
Frontier
Vol. 50, No.27, Jan 7 - 13, 2017
http://www.frontierweekly.com/articles/vol-50/50-27/50-27-Disorder%20and%20Peoples%20Struggles.html


Citizenship Question and Assam Politics

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Citizenship Question and Assam Politics

Arup Baisya

NRC Updating  
An unprecedented exercise of identifying citizens through updating of the ‘National Register of Citizens (NRC), 1951’ for Assam has been going on over the past two years. The first list of NRC is now out in the public domain. This is done when the Supreme Court, which is monitoring the entire process, had ordered that the first draft of the NRC be published by December 31, 2017 with two crore claims whose scrutiny has been completed and after completing the scrutiny of around 38 lakhs people whose documents were suspect. But the first list contained only 1.9 crore out of total 3.29 crores. NRC authority’s silence in this regard cannot keep wild speculations at bay. Sitting on the fences, Bengali speaking people have every reason to jump the bandwagon of suspecting the bureaucratic motive. Furthermore, when upper Assam recorded about 70% inclusion and predominantly Bengali inhabited Barak Valley recorded about 30% inclusion in the first list, when there are widespread anomalies in the inclusion of members of the same family, one can perceive it as either the manifestation of negligent, chauvinist mentality of the bureaucracy or the absence of any method to their madness.
However, after initial phase of misunderstanding on the purpose of NRC updating initiated by Congress in 2013 and its discontinuation due to widespread protest movement, both religious and linguistic minorities in Assam welcomed it this time when the process restarted in 2015 by BJP government under the monitoring of Supreme Court. They welcomed it to get rid of the harassment being meted out to them in the name of Doubtful voter (D-voter) and sending them to Detention camp after the Supreme Court scrapped the IMDT Act in 2005. In its judgment, delivered on 12 August 2005, in response to a petition seeking its repeal by Sarbananda Sonowal, a former president of AASU, former member of legislative assembly and member of Parliament from the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and currently the chief minister of Assam, a three-judge bench declared the IMDT Act unconstitutional. IMDT was considered as safeguard by the minorities as the act affirmed the onus of proof of foreign nationality on the complainant. But the communal and chauvinist forces who have internalized the belief of the presence of huge infiltrators and refugee in Assam from their pathological hatred against the minorities were taken aback when 3.29 crore of people completed the complex and due procedure of submitting all kinds of NRC forms. The whole rotten edifice of chauvinist politics meticulously built on cock and bull story of infiltration and immigration and on whole lot of wildly guessed figures appears to come crashing down. They are now back to the drawing room and formulating new strategy of political chicanery to polarize the people. This is all the more necessary to sustain the hegemonic rule of the compradors and their bourgeois hangers-on of Assamese “Little Nationalism” when the labour movement in Assam is showing new signs of rejuvenation and revitalization.
The Genesis
The history of identification of citizens and sifting out non-citizens goes back to the Assam movement and the Assam Accord. However, it had much deep-rooted concern that had been vexing the people of Assam since the colonial times. The socio-political conditions that emerged in the colonial rule planted a latent fear in the minds of the people of Assam of being swamped by the Bengali-speaking people. As a consequence, Bengali became synonymous to foreigners. British annexed the entire territory of Assam and placed it under the Bengal Presidency. Assam was administered as part of Bengal from 1826 to1873. In 1874, Assam was made a Chief Commissioner's province and three districts of Bengal: Cachar, Sylhet and Goalpara came under the provincial administration of Assam, then in 1905 British incorporated Assam in unit called ‘East Bengal and Assam’ with Dhaka as the capital. When Bengal partition was annulled in 1912, Assam once again ruled as a separate Chief Commissioner’s province that included the predominantly Bengali district of Sylhet and Cachar. Due to the vehement opposition from the leader like Gopinath Bordoloi and the support he secured from Gandhi, Sylhet District excluding Karimganj Sub-Division was conceded to Pakistan through referendum. 
The Election Commissioner in 1979 reported the unexpected large increase in the electoral rolls. According to the 1951 census, 56.7 percent of the population was Assamese speaking, in 1961 62.4 percent, and in 1971 61 percent. The Bengalis were 16.5 percent, 18 percent, and 19.7 percent, and the Hindi-speaking population was 3.8 percent, 4.8 percent, and 5.4 percent. The census report does not reveal the linguistic identity of tea garden population separately. Between 1951 and 1961 the population of Assam increased from 8 million to 10.6 million (a 35 percent increase), but the number of Assamese speakers rose from 4.6 million to 6.7 million, a 48.5 percent increase, suggesting the magnitude of language “switching”. In the 1931 census only 1.7 million people reported Assamese as their mother tongue. Between 1961 and 1971 the proportion of Assamese declined for the first time, as the proportion of Bengali speakers increased. This shift, though small, was in a direction that aroused the anxieties of many Assamese. If a large proportion of the Muslim population (24.6 percent of the population in 1971), most of whom are of Bengali origin, declared themselves Bengali, the position of the Assamese and Bengalis could be reversed. The manipulative political stance applied by the Assamese middle class to generate fear-psychosis of losing their identity by being numerically outnumbered by the migrant Bengali speaking people assumed the form of anti-foreigner movement from 1979. The first organized opposition was in the form of twelve-hour general strike called by All Assam Students Union (AASU) on 8th June 1979. AASU demanded “detection, disenfranchisement and deportation” of the foreign nationals; those who had entered the state after 1961 should be expelled from the state and their names were to be expunged from the electoral rolls.
The Class Politics
The national political leaderships representing the big bourgeoisie also tried to co-opt the Assamese ‘little nationalism’ the term coined by the eminent Marxist scholar Amalendu Guha, by inciting ethnic sentiment. The Assam movement, according to Amalendu Guha, was a programme led by the Assamese middle class at a conjunctural crisis. According to him, hard pressed by big capital from above and the rising labour and peasant movement from below, the Assamese upper classes are terribly agitated about the economic stagnation. Incapable of competing with big capital, they aspired to monopolise the small industries, petty trade and the profession and services. This diversion of the movement from targeting the big capital by raising issue of development, devolution and democratization of power to anti-Bengali anit-foreigner’s movement gave the Assamese middle class the required space to collaborate with the national bourgeoisie. Hiren Gohain, another renowned left intellectual of Assam agreed with Guha that the main thrust and character of such movements served the interest of the Assamese small bourgeoisie and landlords, and was most likely to profit the big bourgeoisie.
The Assam movement culminated into a memorandum of settlement signed by AASU and the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi in 1985, and this accord is known as Assam Accord which stipulated the 24th March midnight, 1971 as the cutoff date for identifying citizens and demarcating illegal migrants. With an open chauvinist agenda of Assam movement to denationalise Bengali speaking people, the merciless mass killings of Nelie etc exposed the inherent communal character of the movement which made the religious minorities as the main target of physical attack. The numerically significant, but economically and socially weak religious minorities of lower Assam were always the soft target of the chauvinists since independence to coerce them to opt for Assamese as their mother tongue. Through coercion and through medium of education, majority of the religious minorities use Assamese language in public life. But despite this submission to the coercive process of Assamisation, the Assamese ‘little nationalism’ or chauvinism always treat them with suspicion and with the rise of Hindutwa forces they have once again become the prime target. The recent field study conducted by Diganta Sharma, an Assamese mainstream journalist and published it in a book form revealed the fact that similar treatment was meted out to the Namasudras, the Bengali speaking schedule caste community and they were also physically attacked, their villages torched in mass scale during the Assam movement. However, the Bengali Hindus were mainly targeted as the competitors in the space like services, contracts etc. Some commentators pointed out the land dispute as the reason for conflict in the rural areas. But in my opinion, they have overemphasized the land question because of the fact that the tribals who were instigated to attack their minority neighbours were not land hungry. Rather the feeling of otherness mingled with identity assertion was twisted and turned into hatred against their alien minority Bengali culture. The citizenship question has returned to prominence this time under a changed reality which needs to be taken into consideration while assessing the future implications.  
The Migration and The Pacts 
To resolve the widespread migration across the India-Pakistan border due to communal riots that broke out during partition in 1947, the two prime ministers of India and Pakistan signed an agreement on April 2, 1950 and this is known as Nehru-Liaquat Pact. The Bengali Muslims who crossed border during partition came back to lower Assam on the basis of this pact by which both Governments would ensure complete and equal right of citizenship and security of life and properties to their minorities. Those who came back were predominantly Muslim peasant masses. Many educated and influential Muslim families both from Lower Assam and Barak Valley migrated to Pakistan leaving the vulnerable sections amenable to all kinds of communal and chauvinistic pressures and harassment. Naturally Bengali Hindus who migrated to India did not return and a section of them settled in various pockets of Brahmaputra valley and predominantly in Barak valley.
Another large-scale influx of Bengali refugee occurred during Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Most of these refugees had returned after the creation of Bangladesh and 1972 Indira – Mujib Pact which expired in 1997. Communal and chauvinist forces in Assam are citing illusory figures to fan ethnic passion against the Bengali migrants, both Hindus and Muslims.
The strategy of Sangh Parivar to bring the Assamese and Bengali Hindus in their fold by focusing on infiltration (Bengali Muslims) issue and the bogey of Islamophobia and posturing as the saviour of refugees (Bengali Hindus) is in doldrums. Cutting across political affiliations, all Muslim organizations want that NRC process should be completed in right earnest so that the myth of large scale Muslim infiltration post 1971 is dismantled. Bengali Hindus who saw BJP as the saviour is now getting disillusioned due to the dillydallying tactics of BJP in keeping their electoral promise to provide citizenship rights to refugee Hindus, deletion of D-voter category and dismantling of detention camps. The political and social organizations which emerged from Assam movement as Assamese national formations do not want to lose their support base to BJP and Sangh Parivar by abandoning their core chauvinist appeal to Assamese middle class.
The New Trends
An interesting phenomenon is now emerging in Assam politics. The left leaning intellectuals like Hiren Gohain who stood firm against the Assam Movement and a section of mainstream left are projecting themselves as the cementing core of all chauvinist forces. Their strategy to isolate BJP and to defeat its communal agenda by taking anti refugee (Bengali Hindu) stance to mobilize chauvinist camps is opportunistic and self-defeating. When BJP’s bid to introduce the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2016 is communally motivated to incite Bengali Hindu sentiment; those who are taking anti-refugee stance are inciting Assamese ethnic sentiment. The democratic sensibilities demand that the refugee issue must be seen from a humanitarian ground while ensuring the constitutional safeguards for Assamese language and identity in Assam. It must be noted that the protection of equality— equality before law and equal protection of the law—under Article 14 of the Constitution extends to all persons in India, not just citizens.  The present moment is significant for its coalescence with the changes made in 2003 in the Citizenship Act, 1955, which eliminated citizenship by birth and gave precedence to descent. The Citizenship Act, 1955 was amended in 1986 in the wake of Assam accord to inscribe an exception in the law in recognition of the extraordinary conditions prevailing in Assam. But how a state can be democratic which does not even give recognition to those born in between 1971 to till date whose parents are illegal migrants? So, the conglomeration of forces under the leadership of intellectuals like Hiren Gohain is not upholding the democratic politics that can be pitted against BJP’s reactionary politics. The real existential threat of Assamese nationality is coming from centralization of power in Delhi and neo-liberal onslaught. Assam is losing control over all its revenue earning resources through privatization and monopolization. The state has merely become ‘Glorified Municipality’ and is dependent on the whim of the centre on every matter. In the shrinking job market, the upper strata of both Assamese and Bengali Hindu educated class are now exploring the opportunities to try their fate outside Assam. In the prevailing job opportunities for educated class, it is illusory to claim one linguistic group as competitor to other. A large section of wage labourers has emerged across the communities. The internal migration of wage-labourers to work in the infrastructural sector has increased manifold. The recent incidents of manhandling of these internally migrated Muslim workers by alleging them as Bangladeshis unfolded a new dimension in the Assam’s canvas of ethnic violence. The continuing out-migration from rural areas is creating new areas of settlement in the vicinity of neo-liberal development work and urbanization activities. The state government is getting involved in evicting their core Assamese people to serve the interest of big capital. The diverse social sector workers belonging to all the communities have already upped the ante by launching new spell of movements. So, the emerging objective condition is not conducive for the chauvinist and communal appeal. The most formidable challenge is coming from the Jharkhandi-Adivasi assertion for both identity and tea workers’ rights and the assertion of Bengali Muslims and the Namasudras who were hitherto servile and submissive to chauvinist-communal forces. They together constitute more than 50% of the Assam’s population and the majority of the working class. The Board-room directors of the communal-chauvinist camp is busy ruminating on the ways and means to create fissures through ethnic fault-lines to defeat any unity move within the struggling masses. The successful completion of NRC will seize another weapon of divisive politics from their anti-people munitions. But without an alternative democratic agenda to unite the struggling masses and disorganized working class, the hegemony of communal-chauvinist politics in Assam cannot be defeated. Caught between the two stools and without a democratic alternative, the Assamese middle class will remain supine before the big capital and the Bengali Hindu middle class, in apparent hostility to their Assamese Hindu counterpart, will actually be playing the second fiddle to the politics backed by big capital by their abject surrender to the communal forces.
It is unfortunate that the Assamese intellectual stalwarts like Hiren Gohain and a section of left intellectuals in Assam are playing to the chauvinist gallery and thus the opportunity for a democratic change of Assam’s polity and for the development of a vibrant Assamese nationality is getting missed. Will the revolutionary forces rise to the occasion to offer a democratic alternative to the people of Assam?
Jan 10, 2017
      
 http://www.frontierweekly.com/views/jan-18/10-1-18-Citizenship%20Question%20and%20Assam%20Politics.html

Gujrat Election : The old is in deathbed, Is the new kicking for birth pang?

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Gujrat Election : The old is in deathbed, Is the new kicking for birth pang?

(Editorial, Arunodoy Dec 2017, Translated from Bengali)

The Media Pundits described it as ánti-incumbency’, we call it ‘negation of negation’. Why? The Congress ruled the state till 1995 since the creation of Gujrat state in 1960, barring 18 months of Janata Rule in between. The BJP’s rise after a long 33 years of congress rule cannot be explicated simply with the tool of anti-incumbency. Similarly in 2017 election, the speed breakers which were placed on the path of seemingly unstoppable march of BJP cannot be explained away by anti-incumbency factor. This year’s assembly election revealed the unity of opposites of rebellious politics of Jignesh-Alpesh-Hardik especillay Jignesh against the status quo and the status quoits politics of Congress on one side, and the unity of opposites of communalism, economic liberalism and Sangh’s illusory construct of ‘Gujrati Ashmita’ and ‘politics of patriotism’ on the other.

Gujrat is the state which derives its prominence from trades and various entrepreneurial production centres. Gujrat’s status is also derived from its linkages with Sindh and Harappan civilization, ancient trades through seaports. The large-scale institutions based on production and trades of Milk, Spices, Diamond, leather, garments etc has been developed in the post independence period. The farmer’s families are connected with the large network of Milk Co-operatives and similarly various communities are connected with diverse business institutions. The Congress could sustain their hegemonic rule during the long period of 1960-1995 by maintaining the linkages with people through the managers of these institutions and by maintaining a balance in this economic base. The rift within the congress in 1969 under the leadership of Morarji Desai and Indira Gandhi created the space for the RSS to make deep inroads within Gujrati society and large-scale riots broke out in September and October of 1969. In the backdrop of Navanirman movement in Deccember 1963 against price rise and corruption, Morarji Desai’s indefinite hunger strike in March, 1975 etc, Congress’s tally in Gujrat assembly came down to 75 in 1975 election from its earlier strength of 140 in 167 legislatures of Gujrat assembly. Indira Congress came back to power in 1980 election after emergency.


The Indian society started witnessing imbalances in the economy and politics after that phase. The social turmoil in the name of Mandal and Kamandal and paradigm shift towards neo-liberal economy reached its zenith through Babri demolition and Monmahan’s official announcement of reform agenda. The rise of BJP and Sangh Parivar occurred in this vacuum which was created by the breakdown of economic and social balance of forces. The people’s negation of status quo was announced in a reactionary path. BJP Government in Gujrat was formed in 1995 under the leadership of Keshubhai Patel. In next 22 years, BJP and Sangh Parivar sailed smoothly all along and need not had to look back. In this election of 2017, Gujrati people sent out another message of negation which could not reach to its zenith due to the absence of nationwide democratic political alternative. What were the features of this election?

‘Hardik factor’ or ‘Patidar Anamat Andolon’ had played a significant role in this election. Patidars were considered as Sudra caste till 18th century. Patidars were provided with land through Rayotwari system to enhance British’s revenue earnings and thus Patidars were converted to landowning peasant community. After the construction of Railway line in Boroda in 1960, a section of Patidars amassed wealth through production and export of cotton, tobacco, oil seeds, and some of the wealthy Patidars migrated abroad. There is one Patidar in every ten Indian American and those Paridars are famous for their Motel business. Patels became politically influential force during the Vallabhbhai Patel’s tenure as Deputy Prime Minister and central Home Minister. The internal inequality and class-divisions within the Patels also increased significantly. The anger of unemployed youths who numerically increased leaps and bounds due to jobless growth model were turned into anti-reservation movement in 1985 with the conspicuous backing of Sangh Parivar. But the agricultural distress, lack of public investment, jobless growth since 1990 perturbed the educated and half-educated working class and even made the landowning class restless.

The old trade and production centric institutions faced loss of credibility to maintain connect with the people due to the onslaught of neo-liberal economy. The situation worsened due to depression in export front. It was tried to assuage the internal grievances within the Patel community by offering ministerial berths to many representatives from influential section of Patel community in 1995 Gujrat Cabinet. This effort was further strengthened through 2002 riot and politics of polarization. But the long journey of neoliberal model of jobless growth, the urbanization to cater the aspiration of upper classes, the emergence of cheap army of labour created cracks in the balances of status quo, changed the dynamics of caste-community aspirations. This internal chemistry within the Patel community led the Patels to join hands with Non-Patels OBCs and the Dalits and to launch the reservation movement by shifting away from their erstwhile anti-reservation stance. The emergence of Hardik Patel as the leader of Patels of lower strata reflected this aspiration. BJP, in consonance with their communal politics and neoliberal economic policy, had no other option but to obviate this new class dimension with repressive measures. The repressive measures of Gujrat Government had strengthened their resolve to be uncompromising and this further alienated the Patels from BJP’s fold. The rebellion against the status quo was most evident in the Dalit movement under the leadership of Jignesh whose appeal for unity to include even the religious minority was polar opposite to Sangh Parivar’s position. The presence of large number of working class and their class power enabled Jignesh et el to take the radical stance, this was not so strong in the case of Hardik – Alpesh phenomena. The influence of landowners and business class was significant in the mass mobilizations of Hardik – Alpesh. This class of people was agitated against the BJP because of the adverse impact of agrarian crisis, demonitisation and GST. But their vacillating class character finally inclined them towards the leadership of Modi-Shah duo at the fag end of the electoral campaign on ‘Gujrat Ashmita’ & communal polarization.

Congress was organizationally in disarray after electoral debacle in 2014 . Through a complex amalgamation, Congress’s strategy was to articulate the two tendencies marked by the grievance against the BJP within the ambit of status quo and the rebellion with an inclination to come out of the status quo. This strategy led Rahul Gandhi to extensively visit Gujrati temples to attract upper-castes vote base.

A signal of a new turn in the Indian situation is emanated from the Gujrat election result. It indicates many future possibilities: a silent shift of popular opinion towards Congress within the systemic status quo or the emergence of nation-wide rebellion to break the status quo for systemic change or the defeat of both the trends ensuring rise of fascism. We will wait for the nation-wide rebellion to bombard the status quo for systemic change under the active participation of revolutionary forces.    


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