Violence
in Panchayat election in Rural Bengal : Notes from a distant observer
The violence in rural West Bengal under TMC rule indicates
the continuation of the functioning of an absolutist state of left front’s rule
from 1990s onwards. The land reform and decentralization of power through
Panchayati Raj implemented in 1970s & 1980s respectively were reversed to
pursue neoliberal development model. The industrial policy was directed towards
accommodating the interest of old Jotedar class and big capital. The class base
of rural workers and tenant peasants for left politics was weakened. The decentralization
that occurred through Panchayati Raj became dysfunctional. Despite these entire
attempts for industrialization, West Bengal’s economy remained mainly dependent
on agricultural production. The productivity of land and labour took a quantum
jump post land reform, and Bengal till date is a leading food producing state.
The productivity of land and labour is increasing with increasing out-migration
of Bengal’s rural labours. The increasing number of non-agricultural non-farm
workers caused due to the developmental spree of housing estates like Rajarhat
complex and the dispossessed peasantry for various developmental projects are
the new consumers of food commodities. After the initial phase of land reform
to unleash peasant capitalism, the left front experimented a rural development
model of landlord capitalism by serving the economic interest of old Jotedars
and absentee landlord families who were interested to get back the control of
land for capital investment on the one hand, and followed an industrialization policy
by serving the interest of big capital on the other. These policy persuasions
itself generated a dichotomy within, and more importantly isolated the left
from the new rural working class and tenant peasants. The left front tried the coercive
measure on their old left class base to establish hegemony of the party and the
state at the beginning of their policy paradigm shift in 1990s, and then at the
fag end of their tenure tried to woo the rural workers and peasants through
doles from the state. This policy of wooing the vulnerable classes through
doles was adopted by TMC in its maximalist form where the major portion gets
siphoned off to the dominant classes who are at the helm of distribution.
The Panchayat democracy was made dysfunctional through the control
of the left Party which accommodated the dominant classes, and the rural poor
were offered doles and thus transformed the state into an absolutist state. TMC
after its initial phase of addressing the jubilation of rural workers and
peasants for dethroning Left front is now toeing the same political line of
their predecessor. The tenant peasants and the rural working class are
disgruntled and disarrayed.
The absolutist state always has a tendency to use state
machinery to ensure victory in the face of slightest of challenge from
contending force. Left front faced electoral challenge from TMC which, in turn,
is now facing the challenge from BJP. In the Panchayat elections of 2003 under
left rule, 7000 seats were won uncontested by the left, and this time 34% seats
were won uncontested by TMC.
The continuation of left front’s policy by TMC has started
creating political vacuum in Bengal’s rural landscape. In absence of
alternative democratic and revolutionary forces, the BJP is making inroads
through communal and divisive politics and instigating ugly communal violence.
The disgruntled, disarrayed and unorganized working classes who are militant in
their class character are prone to imbibe this communal politics of violence,
and this has added a new dimension to the politics of rural Bengal.
The democratic and revolutionary forces have so far failed to
set their agenda to address this complex situation of rural Bengal. The class
alliance of rural workers and tenant peasantries can be achieved by building
democratic movement on the issue of ensuring democratic functioning of
Panchayats, wage-hike and worker’s welfare, development of rural marketing
infrastructure like cold-storage through Panchayat funding, increased MSP for
agricultural products and subsidized agricultural inputs for peasant capitalist’s
producers and co-operative farming. All these issues must be raised within the
broadest alliance of forces who are interested to fight for democracy, to combat
communalism and to fight for social justice. Jangalmahal, in a limited sphere
in recent Panchayat election, has shown that there is still a space for
democratic mass resistance.
Fight for
democracy, Combat communalism and Fight for social justice.
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