SIX POINTS CHARTER FOR UNITY OF REVOLUTIONARY FORCES
(Not to be published, this is for an open debate)
Unlike the rise
of Nazi Germany following Hitler’s Warmacht or ‘war machine industrialisation,
the rise of fascism in India in its present phase is in the backdrop of a
ruling neoliberal ideology by which the Government has assigned to themselves
the role of a promoter, an agent of private corporations, not one of regulating
mediator between big business and poor people. In the name of high growth,
industrialization works ruthlessly against the poor majority, denying them the
real political options within the orbit of our existing parliamentary
democracy. The simmering discontent and popular anger within the toiling masses
has now become visible. The militant resistance movement of the peasant masses
against the large scale eviction or the capitalist accumulation through
displacement especially in the state like Chattishgarh vis-a-vis central India,
the peasant movement for MSP and for implementation of Swaminathan Commission
report is visible in large part of the country. The curtailment of labour
rights, the Dalit oppression, oppression of the Tribal population, gender
degradation, ecological degradation, curtailment of minority rights, discrimination
based on languages and nationality bring forth passionate protests. But these
movements are revolving around the idea of reformism, not the overcoming of
imperialism or the ushering of socialism. The imminent task of the
revolutionary forces is to intervene and lead these movements for revolutionary
neo-democratic transformation and to be informed by socialism, not by
reformism. The idea of laissez-faire capitalism is doomed; the global
capitalism can survive all its inherent contradictions in a dystopian world
through genocide and enslavement of populations. The attempt to go back to old
form of nation-state with certain control over economy is destined to fail in
the face of global movement of capital and neoliberal restructuring of
capitalist production and reproduction. Such social order can only exist on
the basis of fascistic mind control and the continuous exercise of daily police
surveillance and violence.
(1) The resistance
against the dismantling of organized work force has failed. The drastic
reduction of organized workforce in the entire production centre is visible in
all the Indian industrial landscapes. The working class is fragmented spatially
and temporally in terms of work-status and social-status. The emergence of new
class of workforce in service sector is also characterized with fragmentation
in terms of their immediate demands of wage hike and social security. The disjointed
struggle of one section of workers or another are defeated with the shifting of
capital from one workplace to another and by nullifying the struggle through
the rapid centralization of capital. But the transformation of these new kinds
of industrial and informal working class and the transcendence of their
consciousness from fragmented one to class-in-itself to class-for-itself can
only be guaranteed through a united front of union struggle and the struggling
unity of worker-peasant movements.
(2) An alienating
consumerism is needed to solve the dilemma of a sagging effective demand
produced by wage repression and technologically induced unemployment for the
mass of the worker. After the initial phase of neo-liberalism, the small
section of upwardly mobile middle class is alienated and subsumed into crass
consumerism through high-technology-dependent lifestyle. The rest of the large
section of them is degraded into sub-human status with long-hour monotonous
jobs with below value earnings. Their need and desire for a better life are
modulated by the market values. The struggle with an alternative vision from a
working class perspective can only release their suppressed ego and make this
section a repository of revolutionary values for the entire working class. But
this section of the working class constitutes a small part of the entire
working class. The rest of the entire working class consists of
SC-ST-OBC-MINORITI AND WOMEN.
(3) After a prolong
phase of neo-liberal policy drive and the shedding of welfare character of the
state, the Dalit and identity movements are resurfacing with a new dimension
under the coercive pressure from present NDA regime. More the working class of
diverse oppressed castes and communities is becoming assertive, more the
section of organic intellectuals are compelled to address the caste-community
rights from a working class perspective. The grass root pressure from below and
the pressure from the fascist concentration of power from above are giving rise
to new alignment and realignment of forces. The unity of SP and BSP in UP not
only indicates the electoral arithmetic, but also reveals the transformation of
feudal class division of labour between OBCs and SCs into the emergence of
homogenous working class across the caste groups. The more the caste-community
and class get woven seamlessly together, then the faster the fuse for
revolution to burn. The emergence of this new reality brings forth new
issues for mass struggle. The identity issue has primarily become intermingled
with violation of human and citizen rights issues. The resistance movement
needs to be built against state repression and caste-religious persecutions.
The support to the identity movement needs to be extended on the basis of the
principle of equal rights and dignity and right to self-determination. To
develop the struggle for the direct provisions through addition of use value in
the area of housing, health, education, food security instead of
profit-maximising market driven exchange value must be the revolutionary agenda
against neo-liberal capitalism. In addition to the worker’s-peasants issues of
wage hike, social security and state support for agricultural development, the
resistance movement against land acquisition and privatization and the movement
for public and cooperative ownership based production need to be the part of
revolutionary agenda.
(4) The rise of
fascism and the fascist takeover of the state is dependent on the success of
Hindutwa agenda of Sangh Parivar grasping the masses and the electoral success
of BJP in the forthcoming national hustings. The immediate task to defeat
fascism is to defeat BJP in electoral battle and for which broad-based
electoral unity of parliamentary parties is required. But fascism of Sangh
variety of Hindutwa has had a long gestation period; it emerges as anti-liberal
bourgeois mass-movement. So to defeat fascism in its entirety, revolutionary
unity and the unity of all democratic forces to build a mass struggle on an
alternative agenda of development beyond the growth oriented neo-liberal
development model and a people’s state with participatory democracy is urgently
needed.
(5) A united protest
movement of all revolutionary forces against every form of imperialist
aggression and in support of anti-imperialist people’s struggles for
self-determination like Palestine needs to be built nation-wide. While opposing
and building resistance movement against ecologically destructive and
anti-people development through mass-displacement, we must build worldwide
solidarity movement to create pressure on developed nations to adhere to the
spirit of Kyoto protocol. The revolutionary pedagogic task to enlighten the
working class to stand for diverse anti-neoliberal social movements and to
build united action with all such social forces needs to be undertaken.
(6) For the left
radicals, politics must be the art of making the impossible possible and we
have to overcome the old and deep rooted error attempting to build political
force without building the social force, because this form of conceiving
politics ignores the people and their struggles. The debate on all strategic
issues related to the radical change of social relation of production should
not be confined to small revolutionary group(s), rather it should be made open
to the public for wide participation.
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